Introduction
The essays in this part deal with crime in general and some of the most popular policy responses. The first essay deals with the subject of legal aid for the poor, which is always a controversial topic. That it is controversial seems puzzling, since according to our Constitution and Declaration of Independence, we are all created equal and our right to legal representation and similar rights are spelled out in the first ten Amendments to the Constitution, otherwise known as the Bill of Rights. It is also somewhat puzzling that organizations like the ACLU continue to bring controversy, in spite of the fact that they attempt to provide assistance whenever these rights are threatened. Yet in a society like ours, with the emphasis on Arugged individualism,@ assistance for those in disadvantaged positions brings almost hysterical resistance from more conservative sectors. Witness the almost never-ending debate over issues like welfare, unemployment benefits, tax cuts (mostly going to the ultra-rich) and the like. Little or no debate occurs when it comes to what is known as Acorporate welfare,@ which amounts to between $150 and $200 billion per year.
The next essay deals with what became one of the most controversial cases of the 1990s, yet at the same time should not have been. I am speaking here of the Monica Lewinski case and the affair with President Clinton. The concept of Ahigh crimes and misdemeanors@ became a topic that filled the airwaves, when in point of fact what the president was charged with barely registers as a minor blimp on the radar screen of the kinds of crimes citizens are most afraid of. But, as I note in this essay, many a conservative made a career of bashing Clinton.
The next two essays deal with the overall conservative, Aget tough@ stance on crime, which has been the hallmark of our policies since at least the early 1970s. These two essays debunk this approach, noting that the harshness of our response has barely had an impact on the crime problem. Of course, it has resulted in huge increases in the crime control industry=s profits.
In the next essay I tried to do a little forecasting as the 21st century began, noting that the nature of crime is likely to change, but that our response is not likely to change that much, except that more and more money will be added to the crime control industry. I note in this essay that corporate crime will continue to be a significant problem, but not likely to gain much attention. The subject of corporate crime is dealt with in the next essay, where I was responding to a piece by a columnist of the New York Times, who was complaining about the rude treatment the cops gave a Wall Street crook. I chided Bob Herbert for his ignorance of the reality of crime and how lower class criminals are routinely treated.
In the next essay, I bring together some of the most common myths about crime and criminal justice, which, unfortunately, remain popular conceptions and hence tend to shape most of our policies. This essay is followed by one of several longer essays I wrote for City Life and it deals with how a largely discredited theory of crime (biological, especially genetics) remains popular and how human beings, including children of the poor, can be subjected to what amounts to Agene warfare.@ The use of genetics (or should I say Amisuse@?) has a long and sordid history, starting at least as far back as the 19th century with the so-called Aeugenics@ movement. Various forms of Aethnic cleansing@ have been very popular, reaching a zenith during the Nazi era. However, it is alive and well in America, as I point out in this essay.
The next essay deals with the use and misuse of crime statistics, which often justify a certain kind of crime control policy. Here I note how some police departments find it fairly easy to manipulate their own crime statistics. They can show that crime is up or down, and by how much, depending upon what crime control agencies (especially the police) want to prove or disprove. It always amuses me to read about local police departments taking credit whenever the crime rate falls, but when the crime rate goes up they put the blame elsewhere.
The next essay deals with the topic of violence in a very general way and suggests that we ought to focus our policies toward seeking peaceful solutions. Here I cite the work of the Dalai Lama and his use of Zen Buddhism to combat violence. The old sixties phrase Agive peace a chance@ may sound corny, but I often wonder why we have had a AWar Department@ and even AWar Colleges@ but never a APeace Department@ (we have a Department of ADefense@ which is merely an extension of the macho mentality of our country, especially when we consider our Apreemptive attack@ on Iraq). Violence, as many have pointed out, is as AAmerican as apple pie.@ We Americans love violence, or so it seems. Why else would television ratings be among the highest for newscasts that focus on the latest murders (news at 11:00 starts with the premise AIf it bleeds, it leads@). Not surprisingly, many an academy award or Emmy has gone to those that have focused on violence, often very extreme and cruel forms of violence. The Emmy award winner for 2003 was AThe Sopranos@ which is about a Amob@ family that engages in all sorts of violence.
The next essay deals with the sensitive subject of Astate@ crimes, which are various criminal acts (or violations of human rights) committed by governments, in this case, our own government. Here is a part of our history we=d just as soon ignore. These activities are part of what Michael Parenti called ADirty Truths@ (the title of one of his books). Here I argue that our government commits these crimes because we can get away with it.
The next two essays deal with victims (who are largely ignored and/or taken advantage of by politicians), the famous Enron case, where I emphasize that this is merely the proverbial Atip of the iceberg.@ In response to an big fight among Abiker@ gangs in Laughlin, I note in another essay how these kinds of gangs are virtually ignored in discussions of the Agang problem@ in America. Here I note that Agangs@ are, for the most part, urban minority males, not white males riding around in their Harleys. At the end of the year 2000, I wrote a short review of the year in crime, where I note with dismay the increases in expenditures on crime, with little to show for it except an exploding prison population, but with more money going into the coffers of corporations and the crime control industry, largely fueled by the Awar on drugs.@
In this section I also deal with the subject of guns, which I am always reluctant to do, as I just plain hate guns! But the fact of the matter is that we need to do something about the easy availability of what are the real Aweapons of mass destruction.@
I also deal with the consequences of the Aget tough@ policies during the last three decades. In AWhere did the money go?@ I note that while the crime rate remained essentially the same between 1971 and 2000, criminal justice expenditures jumped up by about 1500% and the incarcerated rate went up by almost 500%. The answer to this important question should come as no surprise if you have been reading so far: the money went into the deep hole called the Acrime control industry.@ Indeed, the crime control industry benefits from crime, as I note in the next essay in this section. Indeed, here is another bit of evidence that victims don=t really matter.
The final essay deals with the homeless situation and mental illness, focusing on an incident in the city of San Francisco.